Für eine Handvoll Dollar mit:Bulbul + 13 Year CicadaBei der Veranstaltungsreihe Für eine Handvoll Dollar zahlst du als Eintritt einen Betrag von 5-10?, je nachdem wieviel du eben bezahlen kannst/magst (VVK 7,50?).Bulbul ist eine Band aus Wien, die Rock mit Dance, Electronic und Experiment verknüpft. Ihre Auftritte fallen für gewöhnlich ungewöhnlich aus, das Trio mit Hang zum Exzentrischen wuchtet seinen entschlackten Heavy Rock mit großer Verve und Durchgeknalltheit über die Bühnen. Tonnenschwer dahinwalzende und dennoch groovige Monstertracks, Soundexperimente an der Grenze zwischen Noise Rock´n´Roll, Jazz, Disco und Zwangsjacke - das ist Bulbul ? ein Bastard voller Spielfreude, der sich vor einer saftigen Laissez-Faire-Attitüde hertreiben lässt. Eine auf hervorragend interessante Weise geistesgestörte Mischung aus Lärm, Pop und Elektronik. (zitat-remix aus visions, kurier, fm4, persona non grata, derstandard)13 Year Cicada are Philip, Hotti and Zooey. They play drums, bass and synth/voice. They like band practices that start in the morning and end at night. They like rhythms that are so hard to memorize they make everyone enter a state without beginning and ending. They like coming off stage so exhausted they can´t even speak.13 YC like recording, but it really makes a lot of sense to see them live. Their genre fluid style doesn´t really make sense. But that´s kind of the point. Their shared attitude towards playing a show is what makes it work. And from Tenerife to Berne, Barcelona to Berlin, playing is what they like best.
The Big Three in Economics reveals the battle of ideas among the three most influential economists in world history: Adam Smith, representing laissez faire; Karl Marx, reflecting the radical socialist model; and John Maynard Keynes, symbolizing big government and the welfare state. History comes alive in this fascinating story of opposing views that continue to play a fundamental role in today's politics and economics. In the 21st century, Adam Smith's "invisible hand" model has gained the upper hand, and capitalism has ultimately won the ideological battle over socialism and interventionism. But even in the era of globalization and privatization, Keynesian and Marxist ideas continue to play a significant role in economic policy in the public and private sectors. 1. Language: English. Narrator: Jeff Riggenbach. Audio sample: http://samples.audible.de/bk/blak/002192/bk_blak_002192_sample.mp3. Digital audiobook in aax.
Neoliberals hate the state. Or do they? In the first intellectual history of neoliberal globalism, Quinn Slobodian follows a group of thinkers from the ashes of the Habsburg Empire to the creation of the World Trade Organization to show that neoliberalism emerged less to shrink government and abolish regulations than to redeploy them at a global level. Slobodian begins in Austria in the 1920s. Empires were dissolving and nationalism, socialism, and democratic self-determination threatened the stability of the global capitalist system. In response, Austrian intellectuals called for a new way of organizing the world. But they and their successors in academia and government, from such famous economists as Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises to influential but lesser-known figures such as Wilhelm Röpke and Michael Heilperin, did not propose a regime of laissez-faire. Rather they used states and global institutions - the League of Nations, the European Court of Justice, the World Trade Organization, and international investment law - to insulate the markets against sovereign states, political change, and turbulent democratic demands for greater equality and social justice. Far from discarding the regulatory state, neoliberals wanted to harness it to their grand project of protecting capitalism on a global scale. It was a project, Slobodian shows, that changed the world, but that was also undermined time and again by the inequality, relentless change, and social injustice that accompanied it. 1. Language: English. Narrator: Joe Barrett. Audio sample: http://samples.audible.de/bk/tant/011466/bk_tant_011466_sample.mp3. Digital audiobook in aax.
Find out the real history of how the US government dismantled the Constitution, thwarted our freedoms, and wrecked the economy. Nineteenth-century America was the closest thing to pure free-market capitalism that has ever existed. There was no welfare state, no central bank, no deficit spending to speak of, no fiat money, and no income tax for most of the century, and no antitrust laws or federal regulatory agencies until the end of the century. The US Constitution protected individual liberty (with the exception of slavery) and limited the power of government, giving rise to an economy in which people were free to pursue their interests, free to start new businesses, free to create as much wealth as their ability and ambition allowed. This near laissez-faire system led to the wealthiest, most innovative nation ever. During the 20th century, by contrast, American liberty declined as the size, scope, and power of government exploded. Federal spending, taxes, deficits, and debt have spiraled out of control. The dollar has lost most of its value due to the inflationary policies of the Federal Reserve. Entitlement programs now constitute the majority of the federal budget. And American businesses are hog-tied by mountains of red tape in the Code of Federal Regulations. Where in our history did we go wrong? How did the American system shift from capitalism to statism, from limited government to big government, from a near free-market economy to a heavily regulated mixed economy? What acts, programs, interventions, and Supreme Court rulings brought America to its present state? Liberty Lost answers these questions. It surveys the politico-economic history of the US from the founding to the present, showing how the erosion of the Constitution unleashed big government, undermining our liberties and hindering economic progress. 1. Language: English. Narrator: Joe Nagle. Audio sample: http://samples.audible.de/bk/acx0/061015/bk_acx0_061015_sample.mp3. Digital audiobook in aax.
Living in the United States has put me in a great position of perspective. This is why I had to leave my country of origin, beautiful Transylvania behind, and my parents. And this was excruciatingly painful for us, and for my own community in Romania. So I decided I keep my country, and my new adoptive country to a higher standard, and ask more accountability from Despots in power.Ironically Trump turned out to be a despot, a nazi style president himself.Socialism, communism, fascism and Nazism are all but dead now. They have failed miserably. But they have been replaced by what is merely another more watered-down form of collectivism that may be called "interventionism". Indeed, interventionism is the predominant economic system in the world today.Contrary to the doctrine of laissez-faire capitalism, in the real world there are prolonged periods when market forces cannot self-correct in time to best serve the common good. Resulting social instability can only be corrected by government action.The crisis of statism, the rise of ultra-Liberalism which opposes all intervention in the “free market” (as suggested in the Ebeling quote above), and the recent development of what I call Decentralized-Liberalism (as suggested in the Soros quote above) provide the context for this audiobook in which civic society proposes intervention in the market to ease the blows of globalization.The double recession we are crossing through, in 2008, and now in 2012, the “double-dip” recession requires new thinking and favors George Soros’ common good interventionist state theory is winning hearts all over the globe.Although since the process of rapid globalization begun (since the 1980s with Reagan and Thatcher) has been widely studied and the new role of civil society has crucial importance. 1. Language: English. Narrator: Koen Phoenix. Audio sample: http://samples.audible.de/bk/acx0/152760/bk_acx0_152760_sample.mp3. Digital audiobook in aax.
The purpose of this descriptive, quantitative, non-experimental, cross-sectional study was to determine the self-perceived leadership style of principals in an era of accountability. The research instrument was the Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire with added demographic questions. In addition to the determination of the self-perceived principal leadership style, the intention of this study was to determine the possible relationship of demographic variables such as principal gender, experience, ethnicity, school type, school grade, and school socioeconomic status determined by Title I on leadership styles. The participants of the study were principals from three large school districts in the state of Florida. The dependent variable was the principal leadership style categorized on the MLQ as transactional, transformational, or laissez-faire. The MLQ also determined the use of behaviors categorized as laissez-faire, authoritative, or participative. The independent variables were the demographic variables, principal gender, ethnicity, years of experience as a school principal, school type, school grade, and school socioeconomic status defined by Title I.
In American politics, the term Secular Right refers to but is not exclusive to the libertarian, socially liberal or non-religious wing of most conservative movements or parties. It also refers to the American blog of five conservative atheists.Most secular conservatives are fiscally conservative, favoring laissez-faire capitalism or a free-market, and are proponents of such policies as a large and heavily-funded national defense system, a relaxation of gun control laws and the destruction of welfare state politics like most other conservatives.
High Quality Content by WIKIPEDIA articles! The theory of state monopoly capitalism was initially a Marxist doctrine popularised after World War II. Lenin had claimed in 1916 that World War I had transformed laissez-faire capitalism into monopoly capitalism, but he did not publish any extensive theory about the topic. The term refers to an environment where the state intervenes in the economy to protect large monopolistic or oligopolistic businesses from competition by smaller firms. Stamocap theory aims to define the final historical stage of capitalism following monopoly capitalism, consistent with Lenin's definition of the characteristics of imperialism in his short pamphlet of the same name.
This book examines the events that made it possible for the leaders of the United States to establish the hegemonic global order known as Pax Americana after the Second World War. Adopting Cox s Neo-Gramscian approach, it focuses on the relationship between social forces, forms of state and world orders. Specifically, it traces the dynamics of intra-capitalist hegemonic competition between nationalist sectors which also favoured a laissez-faire labour market and internationalist social actors which also promoted welfare and advanced labour policies. It analyses the relationship between the United States new status as net creditor after the First World War and the role of technology in determining firms trade and labour policies. It concludes that the internationalist-welfare historic bloc and neoliberal form of state were already formed by 1938, facilitating the establishment of Pax Americana in the aftermath of the Second World War. The book attempts to shed light on the momentous events that catapulted the American Leviathan to global hegemony, and should be useful for scholars, practitioners and students in the fields of international relations and global political economy.